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News & Analysis UMKR News & Action Alerts
Time to Break the Silence
The New York Times, Opinion Section
by Michelle Alexander
Related to this op-ed, UMKR Steering Committee member editorial:
African Americans Show How Palestinian Solidarity Is Done
January 18, 2019 – On April 4, 1967, exactly one year before his assassination, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. stepped up to the lectern at the Riverside Church in Manhattan. The United States had been in active combat in Vietnam for two years and tens of thousands of people had been killed,
including some 10,000 American troops. The political establishment — from left to right —
backed the war, and more than 400,000 American service members were in Vietnam, their lives
on the line.
Many of King’s strongest allies urged him to remain silent about the war or at least to softpedal
any criticism. They knew that if he told the whole truth about the unjust and disastrous
war he would be falsely labeled a Communist, suffer retaliation and severe backlash, alienate
supporters and threaten the fragile progress of the civil rights movement.
King rejected all the well-meaning advice and said, “I come to this magnificent house of
worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.” Quoting a statement by
the Clergy and Laymen Concerned About Vietnam, he said, “A time comes when silence is
betrayal” and added, “that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.”
It was a lonely, moral stance. And it cost him. But it set an example of what is required of us if
we are to honor our deepest values in times of crisis, even when silence would better serve our
personal interests or the communities and causes we hold most dear. It’s what I think about
when I go over the excuses and rationalizations that have kept me largely silent on one of the
great moral challenges of our time: the crisis in Israel-Palestine.
I have not been alone. Until very recently, the entire Congress has remained mostly silent on
the human rights nightmare that has unfolded in the occupied territories. Our elected
representatives, who operate in a political environment where Israel's political lobby holds
well-documented power, have consistently minimized and deflected criticism of the State of
Israel, even as it has grown more emboldened in its occupation of Palestinian territory and
adopted some practices reminiscent of apartheid in South Africa and Jim Crow segregation in
the United States.
Many civil rights activists and organizations have remained silent as well, not because they
lack concern or sympathy for the Palestinian people, but because they fear loss of funding
from foundations, and false charges of anti-Semitism. They worry, as I once did, that their
important social justice work will be compromised or discredited by smear campaigns.
Similarly, many students are fearful of expressing support for Palestinian rights because of the
McCarthyite tactics of secret organizations like Canary Mission, which blacklists those who
publicly dare to support boycotts against Israel, jeopardizing their employment prospects and
Reading King’s speech at Riverside more than 50 years later, I am left with little doubt that his
teachings and message require us to speak out passionately against the human rights crisis in
Israel-Palestine, despite the risks and despite the complexity of the issues. King argued, when
speaking of Vietnam, that even “when the issues at hand seem as perplexing as they often do
in the case of this dreadful conflict,” we must not be mesmerized by uncertainty. “We must
speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak.”
And so, if we are to honor King’s message and not merely the man, we must condemn Israel’s
actions: unrelenting violations of international law, continued occupation of the West Bank,
East Jerusalem, and Gaza, home demolitions and land confiscations. We must cry out at the
treatment of Palestinians at checkpoints, the routine searches of their homes and restrictions
hospitals and water that many of them face.
We must not tolerate Israel’s refusal even to discuss the right of Palestinian refugees to return
to their homes, as prescribed by United Nations resolutions, and we ought to question the U.S.
government funds that have supported multiple hostilities and thousands of civilian casualties
in Gaza, as well as the $38 billion the U.S. government has pledged in military support to Israel.
And finally, we must, with as much courage and conviction as we can muster, speak out
against the system of legal discrimination that exists inside Israel, a system complete with,
according to Adalah, the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, more than 50 laws that
discriminate against Palestinians — such as the new nation-state law that says explicitly that
only Jewish Israelis have the right of self-determination in Israel, ignoring the rights of the Arab
minority that makes up 21 percent of the population.
Of course, there will be those who say that we can’t know for sure what King would do or think
regarding Israel-Palestine today. That is true. The evidence regarding King’s views on Israel is
complicated and contradictory.
Although the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee denounced Israel’s actions against
Palestinians, King found himself conflicted. Like many black leaders of the time, he recognized
European Jewry as a persecuted, oppressed and homeless people striving to build a nation of
their own, and he wanted to show solidarity with the Jewish community, which had been a
critically important ally in the civil rights movement.
Ultimately, King canceled a pilgrimage to Israel in 1967 after Israel captured the West Bank.
During a phone call about the visit with his advisers, he said, “I just think that if I go, the Arab
world, and of course Africa and Asia for that matter, would interpret this as endorsing
everything that Israel has done, and I do have questions of doubt.”
He continued to support Israel’s right to exist, but also said on national television that it would
be necessary for Israel to return parts of its conquered territory to achieve true peace and
security and to avoid exacerbating the conflict. There was no way King could publicly reconcile
his commitment to nonviolence and justice for all people, everywhere, with what had
transpired after the 1967 war.
Today, we can only speculate about where King would stand. Yet I find myself in agreement
with the historian Robin D.G. Kelley, who concluded that, if King had the opportunity to study
the current situation in the same way he had studied Vietnam, “his unequivocal opposition to
violence, colonialism, racism and militarism would have made him an incisive critic of Israel’s
Indeed, King’s views may have evolved alongside many other spiritually grounded thinkers, like
Rabbi Brian Walt, who has spoken publicly about the reasons that he abandoned his faith in
what he viewed as political Zionism. To him, he recently explained to me, liberal Zionism
meant that he believed in the creation of a Jewish state that would be a desperately needed
safe haven and cultural center for Jewish people around the world, "a state that would reflect
on their movements, and the severely limited access to decent housing, schools, food,
as well as honor the highest ideals of the Jewish tradition.” He said he grew up in South Africa
in a family that shared those views and identified as a liberal Zionist, until his experiences in
the occupied territories forever changed him.
During more than 20 visits to the West Bank and Gaza, he saw horrific human rights abuses,
including Palestinian homes being bulldozed while people cried — children's toys strewn over
one demolished site — and saw Palestinian lands being confiscated to make way for new
illegal settlements subsidized by the Israeli government. He was forced to reckon with the
reality that these demolitions, settlements and acts of violent dispossession were not rogue
moves, but fully supported and enabled by the Israeli military. For him, the turning point was
witnessing legalized discrimination against Palestinians — including streets for Jews only —
which, he said, was worse in some ways than what he had witnessed as a boy in South Africa.
Not so long ago, it was fairly rare to hear this perspective. That is no longer the case.
Jewish Voice for Peace, for example, aims to educate the American public about “the forced
displacement of approximately 750,000 Palestinians that began with Israel’s establishment
and that continues to this day.” Growing numbers of people of all faiths and backgrounds have
spoken out with more boldness and courage. American organizations such as If Not Now
support young American Jews as they struggle to break the deadly silence that still exists
among too many people regarding the occupation, and hundreds of secular and faith-based
groups have joined the U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights.
In view of these developments, it seems the days when critiques of Zionism and the actions of
the State of Israel can be written off as anti-Semitism are coming to an end. There seems to be
increased understanding that criticism of the policies and practices of the Israeli government
is not, in itself, anti-Semitic.
This is not to say that anti-Semitism is not real. Neo-Nazism is resurging in Germany within a
growing anti-immigrant movement. Anti-Semitic incidents in the United States rose 57 percent
in 2017, and many of us are still mourning what is believed to be the deadliest attack on
Jewish people in American history. We must be mindful in this climate that, while criticism of
Israel is not inherently anti-Semitic, it can slide there.
Fortunately, people like the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II are leading by example, pledging
allegiance to the fight against anti-Semitism while also demonstrating unwavering solidarity
with the Palestinian people struggling to survive under Israeli occupation.
He declared in a riveting speech last year that we cannot talk about justice without addressing
the displacement of native peoples, the systemic racism of colonialism and the injustice of
government repression. In the same breath he said: “I want to say, as clearly as I know how,
that the humanity and the dignity of any person or people cannot in any way diminish the
humanity and dignity of another person or another people. To hold fast to the image of God in
every person is to insist that the Palestinian child is as precious as the Jewish child.”
Guided by this kind of moral clarity, faith groups are taking action. In 2016, the pension board
of the United Methodist Church excluded from its multibillion-dollar pension fund Israeli banks
whose loans for settlement construction violate international law. Similarly, the United Church
of Christ the year before passed a resolution calling for divestments and boycotts of
companies that profit from Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories.
Even in Congress, change is on the horizon. For the first time, two sitting members,
Representatives Ilhan Omar, Democrat of Minnesota, and Rashida Tlaib, Democrat of Michigan,
publicly support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. In 2017, Representative
Betty McCollum, Democrat of Minnesota, introduced a resolution to ensure that no U.S.
military aid went to support Israel’s juvenile military detention system. Israel regularly
prosecutes Palestinian children detainees in the occupied territories in military court.
Relatives of a Palestinian nurse, Razan al-Najjar, 21, mourning in June after she was shot dead
in Gaza by Israeli soldiers. Photo: Hosam Salem for The New York Times
None of this is to say that the tide has turned entirely or that retaliation has ceased against
those who express strong support for Palestinian rights. To the contrary, just as King received
fierce, overwhelming criticism for his speech condemning the Vietnam War — 168 major
newspapers, including The Times, denounced the address the following day — those who
speak publicly in support of the liberation of the Palestinian people still risk condemnation and
Bahia Amawi, an American speech pathologist of Palestinian descent, was recently terminated
for refusing to sign a contract that contains an anti-boycott pledge stating that she does not,
and will not, participate in boycotting the State of Israel. In November, Marc Lamont Hill was
fired from CNN for giving a speech in support of Palestinian rights that was grossly
misinterpreted as expressing support for violence . Canary Mission continues to pose a serious
threat to student activists.
And just over a week ago, the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute in Alabama, apparently under
pressure mainly from segments of the Jewish community and others, rescinded an honor it
bestowed upon the civil rights icon Angela Davis, who has been a vocal critic of Israel’s
treatment of Palestinians and supports B.D.S.
But that attack backfired. Within 48 hours, academics and activists had mobilized in response.
The mayor of Birmingham, Randall Woodfin, as well as the Birmingham School Board and the
City Council, expressed outrage at the institute’s decision. The council unanimously passed a
resolution in Davis’ honor, and an alternative event is being organized to celebrate her
decades-long commitment to liberation for all.
I cannot say for certain that King would applaud Birmingham for its zealous defense of Angela
Davis’s solidarity with Palestinian people. But I do. In this new year, I aim to speak with greater
courage and conviction about injustices beyond our borders, particularly those that are funded
by our government, and stand in solidarity with struggles for democracy and freedom. My
conscience leaves me no other choice.
The Said al-Mis'hal cultural center in Gaza was hit by an Israeli airstrike in August. Photo: Khalil
SEE ALSO: The UMKR article: African Americans Show How Palestinian Solidarity Is Done
“We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak,” the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. declared at Riverside Church in Manhattan in 1967. Photo: John C. Goodwin